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APOLLO MAGAZINE – SEPTEMBER 2025

September 2025

APOLLO MAGAZINE: The latest issue features The singular art of Georges de La Tour | Britain’s place in the soft-power race | Alec Cobbe’s masterful collecting | the Mona Lisa of medieval manuscripts

When American modernism planted its flag in London

Eero Saarinen’s US embassy building in Mayfair has long been undervalued, but its conversion into a luxury hotel may help revive its reputation

When British sculpture became modern

Henry Moore and Barbara Hepworth are ever in demand, but the market for their lesser-known contemporaries is growing too


Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun’s Roman holiday

While exiled in the city, Marie Antoinette’s favourite artist stuck up a close friendship with her own idol, Angelica Kauffman

THE MAN WHO INVENTED THE MODERN THRILLER

Before Hitchcock or Highsmith, there was Pietro Aretino—Renaissance Venice’s scandalous satirist who turned gossip into cliffhangers and obscenity into art. The man who terrified popes may also have invented the modern thriller.

By Michael Cummins, Editor, August 29, 2025

Venice, 1537

The candle gutters in its brass dish, casting a crooked halo on the damp walls of a salon off the Grand Canal. Pietro Aretino leans back in his chair, one boot propped on a velvet footstool, his voice curling through the smoke like a blade. He does not write—he dictates. A scribe, young and ink-stained, hunches over parchment, trying to keep pace. The letter—addressed, perhaps, to a cardinal, perhaps to a painter—will contain more than pleasantries. It will contain a threat, veiled as an observation, wrapped in a joke.

“Princes fear me more than the plague,” Aretino murmurs, eyes half-lidded. “For I do not kill bodies—I murder reputations.”

The scribe pauses, startled. Aretino waves him on. “Write it. Let them tremble.”

Tomorrow, this page will cross the lagoon, board a courier’s horse, and ignite tremors in Rome or Paris. It may be copied, whispered, condemned. It may be burned. But it will be read.

It was Aretino’s genius to recognize that scandal was not merely gossip—it was architecture. A scaffolding of insinuation and revelation designed to leave its victim dangling. In his six volumes of Lettere (1537–1557), he sharpened that architecture to a fine point. Written to popes, kings, artists, and courtesans, the letters are part autobiography, part political commentary, and wholly performance. “I speak to the powerful as I would to a neighbor,” he crowed, “for truth makes no bow.” What terrified his recipients was not what he said but what he withheld. His words worked like cliffhangers: each letter a suspense novel in miniature.

Aretino liked to imagine himself not born in Arezzo, as the records claimed, but in his own tongue. The myth suited him: a man conjured out of ink and scandal rather than flesh and baptismal water. By the 1520s, he was notorious as the flagello dei principi—the scourge of princes. The title was not a label pinned on him by enemies; it was one he cultivated, polished, and wore like armor. “I carry more lives in my inkpot than the hangman in his noose,” he declared, and few doubted it.

His life was a play in which he cast himself as both author and protagonist. When Pope Clement VII hesitated to pay him, Aretino wrote slyly, “Your Holiness, whose charity is beyond compare, surely requires no reminder of the poverty that afflicts your devoted servant.” In another letter, he praised the Pope’s mercy while threatening to reveal “those excesses which Rome whispers but dares not record.” He lived by double edge: each compliment a prelude, each benediction a warning.

The tactic was not confined to popes. To Michelangelo he sent fulsome admiration: “Your brush moves like lightning, striking down the pride of the ancients.” To Titian he became impresario, writing to Francis I of France that no royal gallery could be complete without Titian’s brush. But the same pen could turn against friend or patron in an instant. A single phrase from Aretino could undo a reputation; a withheld rumor could ruin a night’s sleep.

His enemies often answered with violence. In Rome, in 1525, mercenaries burst into his lodgings after he lampooned the papal indulgence sellers in his Frottole. They dragged him into the street and beat him nearly to death. Neighbors recalled him crawling, bloodied, back to his rooms. Later, when asked why he returned to writing almost immediately, he grinned through broken teeth: “Even death cannot silence a tongue as sharp as mine.” The scars became his punctuation. “My scars,” he wrote in the Lettere, “are the punctuation marks of my story.”

Aretino’s letters functioned like serialized thrillers. Each installment built tension, each cliffhanger left its audience half-terrified, half-delighted. He understood that suggestion could be more devastating than revelation, that anticipation was more dangerous than disclosure. He used ambiguity as a weapon, seeding his pages with conditional phrases: “It is said,” “One hears,” “Were I less discreet…” They were not evasions. They were traps.

One courtier compared the experience to “sitting at supper and finding the meat still bleeding.” The reader was implicated, made complicit in the scandal’s unfolding. Aretino’s genius lay in turning the audience into co-conspirators.

And Venice—city of masks, labyrinths, and whispered betrayals—was practically designed as the birthplace of the thriller. Long before the genre had a name, its ingredients were already steeping in the canals: duplicity, desire, surveillance, and the ever-present threat of exposure. Aretino didn’t write thrillers in form, but he mastered their emotional architecture. His letters were suspenseful, his dialogues scandalous, his persona a walking cliffhanger. Venice gave him the perfect mise-en-scène: a place where truth wore a disguise and reputation was currency. The city itself functioned like a thriller plot—beautiful on the surface, treacherous underneath.

And consider the mechanics: the masked ball becomes the thriller’s false identity. The gondola ride at midnight becomes the covert rendezvous. The whispered rumor in a candlelit salon becomes the inciting incident. The Contarini garden becomes the secret meeting place where alliances shift and truths unravel. It is no accident that Henry James, Daphne du Maurier, Patricia Highsmith, and Donna Leon all returned to Venice when they wanted to explore psychological tension and moral ambiguity. The city doesn’t just host thrillers—it is one.

Imagine a summer evening in 1537. The garden is fragrant with jasmine and fig. Aretino reclines beneath a pergola, flanked by Titian and a Greek scholar from Crete. A courtesan named Nanna pours wine into silver cups.

“You paint gods,” Aretino says to Titian, “but I paint men. And men are far more dangerous.”

Titian chuckles. “Gods do not pay commissions.”

The scholar leans in. “And men do not forgive.”

Nanna smirks, leaning on the marble balustrade. “And yet men pay both of you—in gold for their portraits, in secrets for his letters.”

Aretino raises his cup. “Which is why I never ask forgiveness. Only attention.”

Venice itself became a character: beautiful, deceptive, morally ambiguous. Its canals mirrored the duplicity of its citizens. Its masks—literal and figurative—echoed Aretino’s own performative identity.

But letters were only one weapon. In 1527, Aretino detonated another: the Sonetti lussuriosi, written to accompany Giulio Romano’s engravings known as I Modi. The sonnets made no attempt at discretion. In one, a woman gasps mid-embrace, “Oh God, if this be sin, then let me sin forever!” In another, a lover interrupts her partner’s poetic boasting with the sharp command: “Speak less and thrust more.” The verses shocked even worldly Rome. Pope Clement VII banned the work, copies were burned, and Aretino’s name became synonymous with obscenity. Yet suppression only heightened its allure. “My verses are daggers,” he later said, “that caress before they strike.”

He followed with the Ragionamenti (1534–1536), dialogues between prostitutes and matrons that turned confession into carnival. In the Dialogo della Nanna e della Antonia, one woman scoffs, “The cardinals pray with their lips while their hands wander beneath the skirts.” In the Dialogo nel quale la Nanna insegna a la Pippa, the older courtesan instructs a young girl in survival: “A woman must learn to wield her body as men wield their swords.” These were not just bawdy jokes but philosophical inversions. They exposed hypocrisy with laughter and turned vice into discourse.

His comedies struck with equal force. In La Cortigiana (1534), a satire of Roman society, a friar assures his audience: “Do as I say, not as I do—for my sins are a privilege of office.” In Il Marescalco, a groom forced into marriage laments, “Better to wed a sword than a wife, for steel at least does not betray.” In La Talanta, he boasted with characteristic swagger: “My tongue is the scourge of princes and the trumpet of truth.” These plays were not staged fantasies but mirrors held to the world. Rome and Venice recognized themselves, and recoiled.

Even his occasional pieces carried teeth. During the sack of Rome, he penned the Frottole (1527), short verses filled with bitter humor: “The Germans loot the altars, the Spaniards strip the nuns, and Christ hides his face behind the clouds.” Earlier still, in Il Testamento dell’Elefante Hanno (1516), he composed a mock will for Pope Leo X’s pet elephant. The beast bequeathed its tusks to the cardinals and its dung to the faithful: “For the people, my eternal gift, what Rome already feeds them daily.” Juvenile, grotesque, and brilliant, it set the tone for a lifetime of satiric violence.

Was Aretino a moralist or a manipulator? The question haunts his legacy. Like Machiavelli, he understood power. Like Montaigne, he understood performance. His satire was not disinterested—it was strategic. He exposed corruption, yes, but he also profited from it. His critics accused him of blackmail, of cruelty, of vulgarity. But Aretino saw himself as a mirror. “I do not invent,” he wrote, “I reflect.” The discomfort lay not in his words, but in their accuracy.

The dilemma still feels modern. When does exposure serve truth, and when does it become spectacle? Is scandal a form of justice—or just another form of entertainment? To read Aretino is to feel that question sharpen into relevance. He knew the intoxicating pleasure of watching a hypocrite stripped bare, but he also knew the profit of keeping the knife just shy of the skin.

For centuries, Aretino was dismissed as a pornographer and blackmailer, an obscene footnote beside Petrarch and Ariosto. But scandal has a way of surviving. Nineteenth-century Romantics rediscovered him as a prophet of modernity. Today, critics trace his fingerprints across satire, reportage, and fiction. Balzac’s Parisian intrigues, Wilde’s aesthetic scandals, Patricia Highsmith’s Venetian thrillers—all echo Aretino’s mix of desire and dread.

And then there are the heirs who claimed him outright. The Marquis de Sade, that relentless anatomist of transgression, drew directly from Aretino’s playbook. Sade’s philosophical obscenities echo the structures of the Ragionamenti and the Sonetti lussuriosi: dialogues in which sexuality becomes both performance and interrogation, the bed a courtroom, the embrace a cross-examination. Like Aretino, Sade deployed eroticism not only to shock but to dismantle. Both men wielded obscenity as an intellectual weapon, stripping religion and politics of their sanctity by exposing their hypocrisies in the stark light of desire. When Sade has his libertines sneer at clerics who preach chastity while gorging on pleasure, he repeats Aretino’s barbed observation from a century earlier: “The cardinals pray with their lips while their hands wander beneath the skirts.”

Sade shared Aretino’s radical anti-clericalism, his love of dialogue as a tool of exposure, and his cultivation of notoriety as a literary strategy. The “Divine Marquis” may have been locked in the Bastille, but he carried in his cell Aretino’s scandalous legacy: the belief that obscenity could be philosophy, that provocation itself could be a mode of truth-telling.

Three centuries later, Guillaume Apollinaire would rediscover Aretino with a different eye. In the early twentieth century, Apollinaire praised him as a master who combined “the obscene with the sublime.” In works like Les Onze Mille Verges (The Eleven Thousand Rods), Apollinaire blurred the line between pornography and poetry, scandal and art, just as Aretino had done in his Venetian salons. He admired Aretino’s ability to turn audacity into literature, to make provocation itself a kind of aesthetic. “There is,” Apollinaire wrote of Aretino, “a grandeur in obscenity when it reveals the soul of an age.”

Apollinaire saw in Aretino a precedent for his own experiments: erotic audacity, satirical edge, literary innovation, and a fascination with scandal as aesthetic principle. Where Aretino staged dialogues between courtesans and matrons, Apollinaire crafted delirious erotic parables; where Aretino mocked clerics in his comedies, Apollinaire mocked bourgeois morality with surreal extravagance. Both men made literature dangerous again—texts that could be banned, burned, whispered, yet still survive.

In this long genealogy, Aretino is less a Renaissance curiosity than the origin point of a scandalous tradition that threads through Sade’s prisons, Apollinaire’s Paris, and our own scandal-hungry media. Each recognized that literature need not be safe, that scandal could be structure, that provocation could outlast sermons.

Most uncanny is how current Aretino feels. “What is whispered,” he mused in the Ragionamenti, “weighs more than what is spoken.” That line could be Twitter’s motto, or the tagline of an exposé-driven news cycle. Aretino would have thrived online: the cryptic tweet, the artful insinuation, the screenshot without context. He would have understood the logic of cancel culture, the way scandal circulates as performance, the way innuendo becomes currency.

Imagine him at the end, older now, dictating one last letter. The room is quieter, the scars deeper, the city outside still murmuring with intrigue. He knows his enemies wait for him to fall silent, but he also knows the page will outlive him. The candlelight no longer dances—it trembles. His scribe, older now too, no longer rushes. They have learned the rhythm of Aretino’s menace: slow, deliberate, inevitable.

He pauses mid-sentence, gazing out toward the lagoon. The bells of San Zanipolo toll the hour. A gondola glides past, its oars whispering against the water. Somewhere in the Palazzo Contarini dal Zaffo garden, jasmine blooms in the dark.

“Write this,” he says finally. “To be feared is to be remembered. To be remembered is to be read.”

The scribe hesitates. “And to be read?”

Aretino smiles. “Is to survive.”

He signs his name with a flourish—Pietro Aretino—and sets the quill down. The letter will travel, as they always have, faster than truth and deeper than rumor. It will be copied, misquoted, condemned, and preserved. It will be read by those who hate him and those who become him.

Centuries later, in a world of digital whispers and algorithmic outrage, his voice still echoes. In every scandal that unfolds like a story, in every tweet that wounds like a dagger, in every exposé that trembles with withheld revelation—Aretino is there. Not as ghost, but as architect. He understood what we are still learning: that scandal is not the opposite of art. It is one of its oldest forms. And in the hands of a master, it becomes not just spectacle, but structure. Not just provocation, but prophecy.

The trumpet still sounds. The question is not whether we hear it. The question is whether we recognize the tune.

THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED UTILIZING AI

Möbius Dreams: A Journey Of Identity Without End

From Nietzsche’s wanderings to Brodsky’s winters in Venice, identity loops like a Möbius strip—and augmented reality may carry those returns to us all.

By Michael Cummins, Editor, August 25, 2025

It begins, as so many pilgrimages of mind and imagination do, in Italy. To step into one of its cities—Florence with its domes, Rome with its ruins, Venice with its waters—is to experience time folding over itself. Stones are worn by centuries of feet; bells still toll hours as they did five hundred years ago; water mirrors façades that have witnessed empires rise and fall. Italy resists linearity. It does not advance from one stage to another; it loops, bends, recurs. For those who enter it, identity itself begins to feel less like a straight line than like a Möbius strip—a single surface twisting back on itself, where past and present, memory and desire, fold into one another.

Friedrich Nietzsche felt that pull most keenly. His journeys through Italy in the 1870s and 1880s were more than therapeutic sojourns for his fragile health; they were laboratories for thought. He spent time in Sorrento, where the Mediterranean air and lemon groves framed his writing of Human, All Too Human. In Genoa, he walked the cliffs above the port, watching the sun rise and fall in a rhythm that struck him as recurrence itself. In Turin, under its grand porticoes, he composed letters and aphorisms before his final collapse in 1889. And in Venice, he found a strange equilibrium between the city’s music, its tides, and his own restlessness. To his confidant Peter Gast, he wrote: “When I seek another word for ‘music,’ I never find any other word than ‘Venice.’” The gondoliers’ calls, the bells of San Marco, the lapping water—all repeated endlessly, yet never the same, embodying the thought that came to define him: the eternal return.

For Nietzsche, Italy was not a backdrop but a surface on which recurrence became tangible. Each city was a half-twist in the strip of his identity: Sorrento’s clarity, Genoa’s intensity, Turin’s collapse, Venice’s rhythm. He sensed that to live authentically meant to live as though each moment must be lived again and again. Italy, with its cycles of light, water, and bells, made that philosophy palpable.

Henry James —an American expatriate author with a different temperament—also found Italy less a destination than a structure. His Italian Hours (1909) reveals both rapture and unease. “The mere use of one’s eyes in Italy is happiness enough,” he confessed, yet he described Venice as “half fairy tale, half trap.” The city delighted and unsettled him in equal measure. He wandered Rome’s ruins, Florence’s galleries, Venice’s piazzas, and found that they all embodied a peculiar temporal layering—what he called “a museum of itself.” Italy was not history frozen; it was history repeating, haunting, resurfacing.

James’s fiction reflects that same looping structure. In The Aspern Papers, an obsessive narrator circles endlessly around an old woman’s letters, desperate to claim them, caught in a cycle of desire and denial. In The Portrait of a Lady, Isabel Archer discovers that the freedom she once thought she had secured returns as entrapment; her choices loop back on her with tragic inevitability. Even James’s prose mirrors the Möbius curve: sentences curl and return, digress and double back, before pushing forward. Reading James can feel like walking Venetian alleys—you arrive, but only by detour.

Joseph Brodsky, awarded the 1987 Nobel Prize in Literature after being exiled from the Soviet Union in 1972, found in Venice a winter refuge that became ritual. Each January he returned, until his death in 1996, and from those returns came Watermark (1992), a prose meditation that circles like the canals it describes. “Every January I went to Venice, the city of water, the city of mirrors, perhaps the city of illusions,” he wrote. Fog was his companion, “the city’s most faithful ghost.” Brodsky’s Venice was not Nietzsche’s radiant summer or James’s bustling salons. It was a city of silence, damp, reflection—a mirror to exile itself.

He repeated his returns like liturgy: sitting in the Caffè Florian, notebook in hand, crossing the Piazza San Marco through fog so dense the basilica dissolved, watching the lagoon become indistinguishable from the sky. Each January was the same, and yet not. Exile ensured that Russia was always present in absence, and Venice, indifferent to his grief yet faithful in its recurrence, became his Möbius surface. Each year he looped back as both the same man and someone altered.

What unites these three figures—Nietzsche, James, Brodsky—is not their similarity of thought but their recognition of Italy as a mirror for recurrence. Lives are often narrated as linear: childhood, youth, adulthood, decline. But Italy teaches another geometry. Like a Möbius strip, it twists perspective so that to move forward is also to circle back. An old anxiety resurfaces in midlife, but it arrives altered by experience. A desire once abandoned returns, refracted into new form. Nietzsche’s eternal return, James’s recursive characters, Brodsky’s annual exiles—all reveal that identity is not a line but a fold.

Italy amplifies this lesson. Its cities are not progressions but palimpsests. In Rome, one stands before ruins layered upon ruins: the Colosseum shadowed by medieval houses, Renaissance palaces built into ancient stones. In Florence, Brunelleschi’s dome rises above medieval streets, Renaissance paintings glow under electric light. In Venice, Byzantine mosaics shimmer beside Baroque marble while tourists queue for modern ferries. Each city is a surface where centuries loop, never erased, only folded over.

Philosophers and writers have groped toward metaphors for this looping. Nietzsche’s eternal return insists that each moment recurs infinitely. Derrida’s différance plays on the way meaning is always deferred, never fixed, endlessly circling. Borges imagined labyrinths where every turn leads back to the start. Gloria Anzaldúa’s Borderlands describes identity as hybrid, cyclical, recursive. Italy stages all of these. To walk its piazzas is to feel history as Möbius surface: no beginning, no end, only continuous return.

But the Möbius journey of return is not without strain. Increasing overcrowding in Venice has made Piazza San Marco feel at times like a funnel for cruise-ship day trippers, raising questions of whether the city can survive its admirers. Rising costs of travel —inflated flights, pricier accommodations, surcharges for access—place the dream of pilgrimage out of reach for many. The very recurrence that writers once pursued with abandon now risks becoming the privilege of the few. And so the question arises: if one cannot return physically, can another kind of return suffice?

The answer is already being tested. Consider the Notre-Dame de Paris augmented exhibition, created by the French startup Histovery. Visitors carry a HistoPad, a touchscreen tablet, and navigate 850 years of the cathedral’s history. Faux stone tiles line the floor, stained-glass projections illuminate the walls, recordings of tolling bells echo overhead. With a swipe, one moves from the cathedral’s medieval construction to Napoleon’s coronation, then to the smoke and flames of the 2019 fire, then to the scaffolds of its restoration. It is a Möbius strip of architecture, looping centuries in minutes. The exhibition has toured globally, making Notre-Dame accessible to millions who may never step foot in Paris.

Italy, with its fragile architecture and layered history, is poised for the same transformation. Imagine a virtual walk through Venice’s alleys, dry and pristine, free of floods. A reconstructed Pompeii, where one can interact with residents moments before the eruption. Florence restored to its quattrocento brilliance, free of scaffolding and tourist throngs. For those unable to travel, AR offers an uncanny loop: recurrence of experience without presence.

Yet the question lingers: if one can walk through Notre-Dame without smelling the stone, without hearing the echo of one’s own footsteps, have they truly arrived? Recurrence, after all, has always been embodied. Nietzsche needed the Venetian fog to sting his lungs. James needed to feel the cold stones of a Florentine palazzo. Brodsky needed the damp silence of January to write his Watermark. The Möbius loop of identity was sensory, mortal, physical. Can pixels alone replicate that?

Perhaps this is too stark a contrast. Italy itself has always been both ruin and renewal, both stone and scaffolding, both presence and representation. Rome is simultaneously crumbling and rebuilt. Florence is both painted canvas and postcard reproduction. Venice is both sinking and endlessly photographed. Italy has survived by layering contradictions. Augmented reality may become one more layer.

Indeed, there is hope in this possibility. Technology can democratize what travel once restricted. The Notre-Dame exhibition allows a child in Kansas to toggle between centuries in an afternoon. It lets an elder who cannot fly feel the weight of medieval Paris. Applied to Italy, AR could make the experience of recurrence more widely available. Brodsky’s fog, Nietzsche’s bells, James’s labyrinthine sentences—these could be accessed not only by the privileged traveler but by anyone with a headset. The Möbius strip of identity, always looping, would expand to include more voices, more bodies, more experiences.

And yet AR is not a replacement so much as an extension. Those who can still travel will always seek stone, water, and bells. They will walk the Rialto and feel the wood beneath their feet; they will stand in Florence and smell the paint and dust; they will sit in Rome’s piazzas and feel the warmth of stone in the evening. These are not illusions but recurrences embodied. Technology will not end this; it will supplement it, add folds to the Möbius strip rather than cutting it.

In this sense, the Möbius book of identity continues to unfold. Nietzsche’s Italian sojourns, James’s expatriate wanderings, Brodsky’s winter rituals—all are chapters inscribed on the same continuous surface. Augmented reality will not erase those chapters; it will add marginalia, footnotes, annotations accessible to millions more. The loop expands rather than contracts.

So perhaps the hopeful answer is that recurrence itself becomes more democratic. Italy will always be there for those who return, in stone and water. But AR may ensure that those who cannot return physically may still enter the loop. A student in her dormitory may don a headset and hear the same Venetian bells that Nietzsche once called music. A retiree may walk through Florence’s restored galleries without leaving her home. A child may toggle centuries in Notre-Dame and begin to understand what it means to live inside a Möbius strip of time.

Identity, like travel, has never been a straight line. It is a fold, a twist, a surface without end. Italy teaches this lesson in stone and water. Technology may now teach it in pixels and projections. The Möbius book has no last page. It folds on—Nietzsche in Turin, James in Rome, Brodsky in Venice, and now, perhaps, millions more entering the same loop through new, augmented doors.

The self is not a line but a surface, infinite and recursive. And with AR, more of us may learn to trace its folds.

THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED UTILIZING AI

THE REPUBLIC OF VOICES

At the height of its power in 1364, Venice was a republic where eloquence was currency and every piazza a stage.

By Michael Cummins, Editor, August 24, 2025

The bells began before sunrise. Their iron tongues tolled across the lagoon, vibrating against the damp November air, carrying from the Campanile of San Marco to the Arsenal’s yards and into the canals of Cannaregio. This was Venice in 1364—at the height of its power, its fleets unrivaled in the Mediterranean, its markets setting the prices of silk and spice across Europe. The city sat at the hinge of East and West, commanding trade routes between Byzantium, the Mamluk Sultanate, and Western Christendom. Venetian galleys, sleek and maneuverable, patrolled waters thick with pirates, their timbers assembled in the Arsenale di Venezia, a proto-industrial marvel capable of producing a galley in a single day. Venice was wood, stone, and gold, but above all, it was sound. “The city is never silent,” one German pilgrim marveled, “every tongue of Christendom and beyond seems to shout at once.”

Venice’s supremacy was not abstract. Its colonies in Crete and Cyprus served as staging posts; its consulates dotted the Dalmatian coast. In Constantinople and Alexandria, Venetians lived in fortified fondaci—walled compounds where merchants traded under their own laws. The wealth of Murano’s glassmakers, Rialto’s bankers, and San Polo’s textile dyers depended on this vast maritime lattice. Even the Doge—Venice’s elected head of state, chosen for life from among the patrician class, part monarch, part magistrate but hemmed in by councils—was more merchant than monarch. Venetian nobility was not feudal but commercial: a patrician might chair the Senate one year and finance a convoy to the Levant the next. Bills of exchange, maritime insurance, joint-stock ventures—all pioneered here—reduced risk and turned uncertainty into empire.

Yet the republic was also built on voices. Speech was its second currency, flowing through churches, palaces, markets, and courts. Treaties were sealed with words before they were inked; rumors shifted markets as much as cargoes; sermons inflamed consciences long before decrees reached the streets.

In San Marco, the Basilica of mosaics and incense, the preacher’s voice dominated. On feast days friars addressed audiences that blurred patrician and plebeian, women and sailors, artisans and merchants. A Franciscan, recalling the Black Death, likened Venetian greed to “a contagion that spreads from house to house.” Andrea Dandolo, the Doge who also wrote a chronicle of his age, noted the murmurs of unease that followed. A parable about false shepherds might by nightfall become tavern gossip, retooled as an attack on patrician governors.

In 1364, Venice granted Petrarch a palazzo on the Riva degli Schiavoni in exchange for his library, a collection that would become the foundation of the Biblioteca Marciana. Known as the father of Humanism and now often called the father of the Italian Renaissance, he was among Europe’s most influential figures—poet of the Canzoniere, rediscoverer of Cicero’s letters, and advocate for the revival of classical eloquence. From his Venetian residence, he praised the city as “a republic not only of ships and laws, but of eloquence itself, where voices, raised in harmony or dissent, bind the state together.” For him, Venice was not only a naval empire but also a theater of speech.

Across the piazza in the Doge’s Palace, words carried a different weight. The cavernous Sala del Maggior Consiglio could hold a thousand patricians, their decisions shaping treaties and wars. The Doge spoke little, his ritual response to petitions—“Si vedrà”, “It will be seen”—an eloquence of restraint. More dramatic were the relazioni, oral reports of ambassadors returning from Constantinople or Cairo. Though later transcribed, in the fourteenth century they were performances. An envoy describing the Byzantine emperor’s throne gestured so vividly that senators felt transported to the imperial court.

Yet it was in the Rialto that Venice’s speech was most raw, where chatter became commerce and gossip became power. By day, the wooden bridge creaked under merchants and beggars, its planks worn smooth by boots from every corner of Europe. Below, spices from Alexandria, silk from Cathay, and pepper from India changed hands, but so too did stories. “The Rialto is a world itself,” wrote the chronicler Marino Sanudo, “where the news of all Christendom and beyond is traded swifter than spices.” Rumors of Ottoman fleets could shift the price of cinnamon. Satirical verses, recited sotto voce, mocked the deafness of patricians: “A house of nodding heads, deaf to its people.”

And when night fell, the Rialto became something else entirely. Carnival transformed it into a stage where anonymity and satire thrived. Masked singers, some of them patrician youths disguised as artisans, improvised verses lampooning senators and guild leaders. One chronicler described young nobles in Greek disguise singing ballads about the Senate’s obsession with ceremony. The laughter echoed across the Grand Canal, tolerated because, as Venetians said, “the republic breathes satire as easily as air.”

The Grand Canal itself was Venice’s liquid stage. By day it was an artery of commerce, alive with the slap of oars, the curses of gondoliers, the hammering of crates. By dusk the atmosphere shifted. Lanterns swayed from boats, their reflections shimmering across the black water. Gondoliers sang what would one day evolve into the barcarolle. Noble families staged boat processions with lutes and trumpets, music drifting across the canal in competing layers of sound. Commerce by day, serenade by night—the same canal a bazaar and a ballroom.

And then there was the Piazza San Marco, the great stage of the republic. On feast days, choirs filled the basilica, their plainsong swelling into polyphony that ricocheted off Byzantine domes. Trumpeters announced the Doge, banners unfurled, and processions wound through the square until, as Dandolo wrote, “the piazza shone with gold and sounded with voices and trumpets.” During Carnival, the sacred gave way to the profane: jugglers, acrobats, and improvisatori recited comic verses in dialect. A fire-breather might draw crowds near the bronze horses while a masked singer mocked senators. It was noisy, unruly, profoundly Venetian—a place where art, politics, and voice collided.

Artisans, too, had their stages. The scuole, confraternities of tradesmen, were gatherings where chants gave way to orations. Statutes might be inscribed, but obligations were enforced aloud. A shoemakers’ statute from 1360 commanded that “each master shall stand and speak before his fellows, giving account not only of his work but of his conduct.” Eloquence was honor; to falter was to risk shame.

The courts offered a harsher stage. Justice, too, was spoken. The Statuta Veneta emphasized testimony over parchment: “testimony is judged not by parchment but by voice.” In 1362, a fisherman accused of theft protested, “Non rubai, ma trovai.”—“I did not steal, I found.” His trembling voice, the notary observed, betrayed him. Eloquence could acquit; faltering speech could condemn.

And words could also damn. After the plague, prophets thundered in piazzas, sailors cursed saints in taverns, women repeated visions too vividly. One inquisitorial record recalls a woman accused of declaring, “the plague is God’s punishment for the pride of merchants.” Whether prophecy or lament, her words were evidence of heresy.

To live in Venice was to live in a polyphony of languages. From Dalmatia to Crete, Cyprus to Trebizond, the city’s empire infused it with voices. The pilgrim Ludolf of Sudheim marveled that in one square he heard “Latin, Greek, Saracen, and Hebrew, all arguing.” Translators ferried not only goods but ideas—fragments of Averroes, Byzantine theology, Jewish philosophy. Did a spice-seller at the Rialto know he was transmitting the seeds of the Renaissance?

In patrician libraries and monastic scriptoria, another kind of voice was taking shape: Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas, arriving in Latin translation, read aloud in candlelit chambers. By 1364, copies of Aristotle’s Politics and Nicomachean Ethics were circulating among patricians. What did it mean to live a life of virtue? Could the common good outweigh private interest? Such debates mattered in a republic balancing mercantile ambition with civic restraint.

Thomas Aquinas, too, was debated in Dominican houses. His Summa Theologica offered a scaffolding that united reason and faith. Did divine law supersede human law, or did the latter participate in the former? A friar might thunder against usury on Sunday while echoing Aquinas’s careful distinctions on just exchange.

What is striking is that these scholastic voices did not remain confined to cloisters. They mingled with guild disputations, senatorial deliberations, carnival satire. And just beyond the horizon, Humanism was stirring. Petrarch, uneasy yet pivotal, urged Venetians to recover eloquence from Cicero and Livy. The republic was poised between worlds: the scholastic synthesis of Aquinas and the humanist insistence that civic life could be ennobled by rhetoric and classical virtue. Venice in 1364 was thus not only a theater of speech but also a laboratory of ideas.

At dusk, the bells tolled once more. Gondoliers sang across the black canal, masked youths mocked senators in the Rialto, choirs rehearsed in San Marco. Senators lingered in debate, artisans rehearsed speeches, children recited prayers before sleep. Venice in 1364 was not only a republic of ships, coins, and statutes. It was a republic of voices. Andrea Dandolo wrote that “our city is a harmony of voices, discordant yet united, a choir upon the waters.”

Perhaps that is the truest way to understand the city at its zenith. Its power lay not only in fleets or treaties, but in the ceaseless interplay of sound and sense: the preacher stirring unease, the envoy swaying senators, the gondolier echoing Aristotle, the satirist mocking the elite. The same city that hammered out galleys in the Arsenale was also hammering out philosophies in its libraries, rhythms in its shipyards, and laughter in its carnivals. To live in Venice in 1364 was to inhabit a world where speech, spectacle, and speculation were indivisible, where every bridge or piazza might become a stage. The republic endured not because it silenced discord but because it orchestrated it—turning sermon, satire, and song into the polyphony of civic life. Venice was, and remains, a choir upon the waters.

THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED UTILIZING AI

THE NEW YORKER MAGAZINE – SEPT. 1 & 8, 2025 PREVIEW

A GIF switching the profiles of the dandy Eustace Tilley and the artist Condy Sherman.

THE NEW YORKER MAGAZINE: The latest cover features ‘Cindy Sherman’s and Rea Irvin’s Eustace Tilley – A special nod to celebrate a centenary of cultural coverage.

The Trump Administration’s Efforts to Reshape America’s Past

Ahead of next year’s two-hundred-and-fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, the White House has issued a directive to the Smithsonian. By Jill Lepore

A.I. Is Coming for Culture

We’re used to algorithms guiding our choices. When machines can effortlessly generate the content we consume, though, what’s left for the human imagination? By Joshua Rothman

How a Billionaire Owner Brought Turmoil and Trouble to Sotheby’s

Patrick Drahi made a fortune through debt-fuelled telecommunications companies. Now he’s bringing his methods to the art market. By Sam Knight

Cervantes in the Cave — The Art of Illusion

From Lepanto to Algiers to Seville, he recast Plato’s cave: instead of fleeing, he trimmed the wick—using comedy and narrative to make honest light out of shadow.

By Michael Cummins, Editor, August 22, 2025

In a cave in Argamasilla de Alba, Spain, a man sits hunched over a manuscript. The air is damp; the light keeps deciding what to keep. He writes not with the flourish of a court poet but with the urgency of someone who has known confinement—who has lived among shadows and learned to speak their language. The man is Miguel de Cervantes. The cave, according to local legend, is where he began Don Quixote. Whether the story is true hardly matters. The image endures: Cervantes, imprisoned, wounded, obscure, writing the book that would fracture the very idea of literary realism.

He breaks the silence first, as if talking to the walls. “Engendrado en una cárcel, donde toda incomodidad tiene su asiento,” he says—begotten in a prison, where every discomfort keeps its chair. He smiles at his own choice of verb. Begotten. It gives hardship hands.

A foot scuffs the threshold. Mateo steps into the half-light, a fellow freed captive from a life the two men still carry like a watermark. He takes the cave in at a glance—the whitewash, the barred slit of window, the stone bench that knows the shape of a tired back.

“You write in the dark, Miguel,” Mateo says. “Still chasing shadows?”

“Not chasing,” Cervantes replies, without looking up. “Refracting. These shadows are more honest than the sunlit lies of court and empire.”

Plato’s prisoners mistook flicker for fact. Cervantes has no such innocence; he knows exactly what light can do and what it cannot. In Algiers he learned the cost of sunlight and the uses of a candle. “We invented stories to survive,” he says. “We imagined rescue. We became authors of unreality. And in doing so, we learned how unreality works.”

He had boarded a homeward ship in 1575 and sailed straight into a profession he did not apply for. Corsairs took the vessel. Letters of recommendation—ironically the very proof of his merit—made him valuable. Algiers swallowed him for five years. Four escape attempts, each with its choreography of bribes, whispers, and night boats, failed in turn; punishments followed with bureaucratic punctuality. In the baños he organized fellow captives, staged plays that felt like oxygen rations, and discovered a kind of command that requires neither rank nor drumrolls. The lesson was not transcendence. It was texture. Captivity did not reveal some pure, sunlit truth; it revealed illusion’s machinery: how shadows are cast, how they persuade, how they can be turned from weapon into instrument.

“So you believe captivity reveals truth?” Mateo asks.

“No,” Cervantes says. “It reveals illusion. But if you know you’re in a cave, illusion can be honest about itself.”

He speaks like a man who has balanced too many ledgers and decided to keep one for the soul. In his prologue to the Exemplary Novels he would boast with a craftsman’s pride: mías propias, no imitadas ni hurtadas—my own pieces, not imitated or stolen. After a life in which other people held the keys, authorship felt like a kind of lawful possession. He is not naïve about it; theft will come in a thousand copies. Still, he plants his flag in sentences.

Mateo lowers himself onto the bench. The cave keeps its cool.

“Begin earlier,” Mateo says softly. “Begin with the wound.”

Cervantes nods, as if paging back. “Lepanto,” he says. “Two shots to the chest, one to the hand. El mayor bien que me vino. The greatest favor that came to me.”

Mateo laughs—a short, incredulous bark. “Favor?”

“A hand is a tool,” Cervantes says, flexing his right, letting the left sleeve fall into its gentle emptiness. “So is a story. One broke and taught the other its work. I learned that honor is not trumpets; it is the bruise that stays after the sound goes.”

“What did it smell like—the battle?” Mateo asks, because some questions insist.

“Oak and salt and a fire that wandered,” Cervantes says. “The sea keeps bad accounts—always debits, never balance. We threw our bodies at its ledger and called it glory. I got a bill I could live with.”

The cave changes its mind about brightness by a single shade. Light climbs a little higher on the wall, as if memory has a temperature.

“After Algiers,” Mateo says, “you came home to paper.”

“To paper and suspicion,” Cervantes answers. “Spain wanted receipts more than epics.” He became a purchasing agent, then a tax collector—the sort of work that presses humility into a man’s pockets and takes the lint besides. A banker fell in Seville and the ground gave way beneath him. Jail happened the way weather happens. Bureaucracy, he discovered, is a prison with nicer pens.

He thumps the palm of his right hand on the bench, a quiet imitation of a ledger closing. “Always the same sum,” he says. “Loyalty plus wounds equals suspicion.”

“That arithmetic,” Mateo says, “taught you comedy.”

“It taught me instruments,” Cervantes corrects gently. “Comedy is a surgeon’s knife you can carry in public.”

He had tried other rooms. La Galatea (1585), a pastoral romance, sighs under painted trees and speaks expertly in a fashionable voice—too expertly for a man who had learned to breathe in iron. “A ceiling too low for the lungs,” he says. Failure did not embarrass him; it emancipated him. “I loved what books promised. I wrote the promise’s correction.”

“And then you choose another cave,” Mateo says, looking around.

“This time I brought the candle.” Cervantes nods at the stub trembling in its dish. “The cave is not a prison if you know you’re inside it. Fiction is not delusion if you wield it knowingly.”

“Is that freedom?” Mateo asks. “To live in fiction?”

Cervantes answers with a line he will later put in a knight’s mouth because knights carry sentences farther than taxmen do. “La libertad, Sancho, es uno de los más preciosos dones…” Freedom, Sancho, is one of the most precious gifts. He lets the clause hang and then adds the counterweight: captivity is the greatest evil. “But there is a third thing,” he says. “The discipline of the wick. Not everyone reaches the sun. Many of us live by hearth-light. So make the hearth honest.”

He laughs, not kindly but not unkindly, at the memory of a barber’s basin mistaken for a helmet. “A basin can be a helmet,” he says, “if the story is honest about the trick.” The joke is not cruelty; it’s consent. Illusions that confess their wages are allowed to work.

“You sound like Plato’s least obedient pupil,” Mateo says. “He wants the prisoner out of the cave. You stay.”

“Plato had less practice with caves,” Cervantes says. “I stay and trim the wick.”

The man who stays in the cave can tell you about the cost of zeal. He knows what happens when mercy runs faster than attention: chaos dresses up as freedom. He has written a scene in which a knight frees a chain gang of galley slaves with a fine speech and a flash of temper, and the liberated—unbriefed on narrative responsibility—repay the favor with stones. “Pity without comprehension,” he says, “is a door swinging in a storm. Freedom without narrative becomes a mess that lets tyrants say, ‘You see? Chains keep order.’”

Mateo’s eyes drift toward a wooden head in the corner, painted eyes arrested mid-glance. “Master Pedro,” Cervantes says, amused at the prop the cave has supplied. He tells the story of a puppet theater, a knight who cannot bear strings, a sword that corrects an illusion into splinters. Even illusions keep accounts, he reminds Mateo. Someone pays for the pleasure. “In that scene,” he says, “I taxed zeal. I sent the bill to laughter.”

“So your book is a theater?” Mateo asks.

“A theater that shows its ropes,” Cervantes says. “A historian with a wink in his ink. A narrator who argues with me, and I with him. A false sequel enters the room, and I absorb him into the play. If illusion is a crime, let the evidence be visible. If it is a craft, let the strings show and the audience decide.”

He keeps his quotes short and to the point, letting them behave like tools rather than trophies. “Yo sé quién soy,” he says, not to boast but to set a boundary—I know who I am. “And I know what I am not. I am not the sun. I am a candle with a good memory.”

Memory is a troublesome servant. “¡Oh memoria, enemiga mortal de mi descanso!,” he mutters with theatrical exasperation—Oh memory, mortal enemy of my rest—knowing full well he cannot do without her. In the deepest fold of the book he is writing, he lowers his knight into the Cave of Montesinos and gives him a private vision no one can verify. Minutes pass in the world; days unfold in the cave. Readers will fight about that descent for centuries: lie or parable? He shrugs. The rope held. The telling is what matters.

“What about truth?” Mateo asks. “You dodge it like a matador.”

“Truth is errant,” Cervantes says. “Like my knight. It wanders, stumbles, reinvents itself. La verdad adelgaza y no quiebra—truth thins but does not break. It lives in the flicker between shadow and flame.” He aims for a truth you can sit with, not a blaze you must worship. Even now, when the cave dims or brightens by a breath, he adjusts nothing in his voice. He trusts the room to keep up.

The room has heard other versions of this life. Soldier, captive, clerk, failed author—the catalogue is accurate and useless until you give it breath. He has learned that a life of refusals and humiliations can be rearranged into a lamp. “El que lee mucho y anda mucho, ve mucho y sabe mucho,” he says with a grin—he who reads much and travels much sees much and knows much—and Mateos’s chuckle bounces off the whitewash and returns as agreement.

If the cave is a theater, it is also a workshop. He places three objects on the bench as if laying out tools: a frayed rope (failed escape; lesson kept), a ledger (bureaucracy’s Bible, now a prop for comedy), and the puppet head (illusion, demystified and retained). He sets the rope across the ledger like a sash and props the puppet against both like a child asleep between two patient adults.

“You’re staging your own life,” Mateo says.

“Everything I own appears in my books,” Cervantes answers. “Better to put them to work than let them gather dust.”

He will put even injury to work. He has already done it. “There is no book so bad that it does not have something good,” he says—No hay libro tan malo que no tenga algo bueno—and he means, among other things, his own early efforts. He tried the fashion and failed; he learned to write beyond it. The failure cleared the room.

“And the counterfeit?” Mateo asks. “The other Quixote?”

“I made room,” Cervantes says, not quite happily. He doesn’t bother to call the rival by name. “I let the counterfeit into Part II and gave him the dignity of being wrong on the page. It is the politest way to win.”

Outside, late afternoon arranges itself. Inside, the candle practices its small weather. The conversation acquires the unhurried gravity of men who have been forced to wait before and know that waiting can be made useful. They speak of the Información de Argel—the sworn testimonies that stitched a biography out of scars and courage; of the petition to the Council of the Indies that asked for four possible offices across the ocean and delivered no; of Seville’s auditoriums of suspicion where a man could do arithmetic all day and still owe.

“You turned all that into a style,” Mateo says.

“I turned it into a temperament,” Cervantes corrects. Style is the residue. The temperament is the choice: to stay in the cave and make the light adjustable; to refuse the panic of transcendence in favor of the patience of attention; to let laughter be a form of moral accounting. “I wanted a book in which the strings show,” he says. “So when someone pulls, we know who is moving what.”

He reaches for the candle with wetted fingers and trims the wick. The flame tightens, steadies, sharpens the edges of the room with a surgeon’s manners. The gesture is mundane and feels like a thesis.

“Why not flee?” Mateo asks one last time, because some questions return until answered in the body.

“Because someone must tend the flame,” Cervantes says. “Because most people live by hearth-light. Because the cave tells the truth about limits, and I prefer honest rooms to lying palaces.”

He stands, and the bench acknowledges the change with a creak that has learned both complaint and loyalty. He touches the stone with the backs of his fingers, as one does a sleeping child. The puppet keeps its round attention. The rope adopts its length. The ledger decides to be heavy again.

“Begin,” Mateo says, suddenly shy of making a ceremony of it.

“I did,” Cervantes answers, and returns to his page.

He writes the opening lines of Don Quixote as the candle throws a peninsula of light bordered by ink. A poor gentleman with a head full of books starts out into a world that will bruise him into philosophy. A squire with a sack of proverbs learns to spend them one by one, after listening. Windmills declare their innocence; a basin negotiates a new title. Dukes turn out to be children who have learned cruelty by playing. Priests explain themselves into farce. Puppets are freed to their ruin, then repaired by a writer who has learned to apologize with laughter.

Cervantes does not flee illusion; he illuminates it. He does not reject reality; he reframes it. He does not promise truth; he escorts it, errant and sturdy, through rooms with honest walls. He turns shadows into stories and stories into a way of seeing that does not blind. He has stayed where Plato urged ascension and found, by staying, a different kind of ascent: the climb of attention, the charity of proportion, the courage to let strings show and still believe in the show.

Unlike Plato’s prisoner, Cervantes remains in the cave. He writes. He refracts. He talks to the walls and to the future, and both answer. His broken hand, his captive mind, his errant knight—everything he survived and everything he invented—gathers in the small weather of a candle and becomes, against all instruction, a form of daylight.

THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED UTILIZING AI

TIMES LITERARY SUPPLEMENT – AUGUST 22, 2025 PREVIEW

TIMES LITERARY SUPPLEMENT: The latest issue features Lawrence Durrell, “so many towns” that could “become Alexandria” – “founded”, as indeed so many were, “At the doors of Africa”, “Upon a parting”. Yet what other town could boast of anything to compare with that “last pale / Lighthouse”, the Pharos of Alexandria, “like a Samson blinded”?

Family of fabulists

Literary myth-making, from Alexandria to Corfu By Jonathan Keates

‘Celestial walnuts’

The pleasures and challenges of making – and describing – great wines By George Berridge

The path to Rome

Investigating the deathbed conversion of Oscar Wilde By Richard A. Kaye

More, now, again

To what extent are addicts responsible for their actions? By Crispin Sartwell

Responsive Elegance: AI’s Fashion Revolution

Responsive Elegance: How AI Is Rewriting the Code of Luxury Fashion
From Prada’s neural silhouettes to Hermès’ algorithmic resistance, a new aesthetic regime emerges—where beauty is no longer just crafted, but computed.

By Michael Cummins, Editor, August 18, 2025

The atelier no longer glows with candlelight, nor hums with the quiet labor of hand-stitching—it pulses with data. Fashion, once the domain of intuition, ritual, and artisanal mastery, is being reshaped by artificial intelligence. Algorithms now whisper what beauty should look like, trained not on muses but on millions of images, trends, and cultural signals. The designer’s sketchbook has become a neural network; the runway, a reflection of predictive modeling—beauty, now rendered in code.

This transformation is not speculative—it’s unfolding in real time. Prada has explored AI tools to remix archival silhouettes with contemporary streetwear aesthetics. Burberry uses machine learning to forecast regional preferences and tailor collections to cultural nuance. LVMH, the world’s largest luxury conglomerate, has declared AI a strategic infrastructure, integrating it across its seventy-five maisons to optimize supply chains, personalize client experiences, and assist in creative ideation. Meanwhile, Hermès resists the wave, preserving opacity, restraint, and human discretion.

At the heart of this shift are two interlocking innovations: generative design, where AI produces visual forms based on input parameters, and predictive styling, which anticipates consumer desires through data. Together, they mark a new aesthetic regime—responsive elegance—where beauty is calibrated to cultural mood and optimized for relevance.

But what is lost in this optimization? Can algorithmic chic retain the aura of the original? Does prediction flatten surprise?

Generative Design & Predictive Styling: Fashion’s New Operating System

Generative design and predictive styling are not mere tools—they are provocations. They challenge the very foundations of fashion’s creative process, shifting the locus of authorship from the human hand to the algorithmic eye.

Generative design uses neural networks and evolutionary algorithms to produce visual outputs based on input parameters. In fashion, this means feeding the machine with data: historical collections, regional aesthetics, streetwear archives, and abstract mood descriptors. The algorithm then generates design options that reflect emergent patterns and cultural resonance.

Prada, known for its intellectual rigor, has experimented with such approaches. Analysts at Business of Fashion note that AI-driven archival remixing allows Prada to analyze past collections and filter them through contemporary preference data, producing silhouettes that feel both nostalgic and hyper-contemporary. A 1990s-inspired line recently drew on East Asian streetwear influences, creating garments that seemed to arrive from both memory and futurity at once.

Predictive styling, meanwhile, anticipates consumer desires by analyzing social media sentiment, purchasing behavior, influencer trends, and regional aesthetics. Burberry employs such tools to refine color palettes and silhouettes by geography: muted earth tones for Scandinavian markets, tailored minimalism for East Asian consumers. As Burberry’s Chief Digital Officer Rachel Waller told Vogue Business, “AI lets us listen to what customers are already telling us in ways no survey could capture.”

A McKinsey & Company 2024 report concluded:

“Generative AI is not just automation—it’s augmentation. It gives creatives the tools to experiment faster, freeing them to focus on what only humans can do.”

Yet this feedback loop—designing for what is already emerging—raises philosophical questions. Does prediction flatten originality? If fashion becomes a mirror of desire, does it lose its capacity to provoke?

Walter Benjamin, in The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction (1936), warned that mechanical replication erodes the ‘aura’—the singular presence of an artwork in time and space. In AI fashion, the aura is not lost—it is simulated, curated, and reassembled from data. The designer becomes less an originator than a selector of algorithmic possibility.

Still, there is poetry in this logic. Responsive elegance reflects the zeitgeist, translating cultural mood into material form. It is a mirror of collective desire, shaped by both human intuition and machine cognition. The challenge is to ensure that this beauty remains not only relevant—but resonant.

LVMH vs. Hermès: Two Philosophies of Luxury in the Algorithmic Age

The tension between responsive elegance and timeless restraint is embodied in the divergent strategies of LVMH and Hermès—two titans of luxury, each offering a distinct vision of beauty in the age of AI.

LVMH has embraced artificial intelligence as strategic infrastructure. In 2023, it announced a deep partnership with Google Cloud, creating a sophisticated platform that integrates AI across its seventy-five maisons. Louis Vuitton uses generative design to remix archival motifs with trend data. Sephora curates personalized product bundles through machine learning. Dom Pérignon experiments with immersive digital storytelling and packaging design based on cultural sentiment.

Franck Le Moal, LVMH’s Chief Information Officer, describes the conglomerate’s approach as “weaving together data and AI that connects the digital and store experiences, all while being seamless and invisible.” The goal is not automation for its own sake, but augmentation of the luxury experience—empowering client advisors, deepening emotional resonance, and enhancing agility.

As Forbes observed in 2024:

“LVMH sees the AI challenge for luxury not as a technological one, but as a human one. The brands prosper on authenticity and person-to-person connection. Irresponsible use of GenAI can threaten that.”

Hermès, by contrast, resists the algorithmic tide. Its brand strategy is built on restraint, consistency, and long-term value. Hermès avoids e-commerce for many products, limits advertising, and maintains a deliberately opaque supply chain. While it uses AI for logistics and internal operations, it does not foreground AI in client experiences. Its mystique depends on human discretion, not algorithmic prediction.

As Chaotropy’s Luxury Analysis 2025 put it:

“Hermès is not only immune to the coming tsunami of technological innovation—it may benefit from it. In an era of automation, scarcity and craftsmanship become more desirable.”

These two models reflect deeper aesthetic divides. LVMH offers responsive elegance—beauty that adapts to us. Hermès offers elusive beauty—beauty that asks us to adapt to it. One is immersive, scalable, and optimized; the other opaque, ritualistic, and human-centered.

When Machines Dream in Silk: Speculative Futures of AI Luxury

If today’s AI fashion is co-authored, tomorrow’s may be autonomous. As generative design and predictive styling evolve, we inch closer to a future where products are not just assisted by AI—but entirely designed by it.

Louis Vuitton’s “Sentiment Handbag” scrapes global sentiment to reflect the emotional climate of the world. Iridescent textures for optimism, protective silhouettes for anxiety. Fashion becomes emotional cartography.

Sephora’s “AI Skin Atlas” tailors skincare to micro-geographies and genetic lineages. Packaging, scent, and texture resonate with local rituals and biological needs.

Dom Pérignon’s “Algorithmic Vintage” blends champagne based on predictive modeling of soil, weather, and taste profiles. Terroir meets tensor flow.

TAG Heuer’s Smart-AI Timepiece adapts its face to your stress levels and calendar. A watch that doesn’t just tell time—it tells mood.

Bulgari’s AR-enhanced jewelry refracts algorithmic lightplay through centuries of tradition. Heritage collapses into spectacle.

These speculative products reflect a future where responsive elegance becomes autonomous elegance. Designers may become philosopher-curators—stewards of sensibility, shaping not just what the machine sees, but what it dares to feel.

Yet ethical concerns loom. A 2025 study by Amity University warned:

“AI-generated aesthetics challenge traditional modes of design expression and raise unresolved questions about authorship, originality, and cultural integrity.”

To address these risks, the proposed F.A.S.H.I.O.N. AI Ethics Framework suggests principles like Fair Credit, Authentic Context, and Human-Centric Design. These frameworks aim to preserve dignity in design, ensuring that beauty remains not just a product of data, but a reflection of cultural care.

The Algorithm in the Boutique: Two Journeys, Two Futures

In 2030, a woman enters the Louis Vuitton flagship on the Champs-Élysées. The store AI recognizes her walk, gestures, and biometric stress markers. Her past purchases, Instagram aesthetic, and travel itineraries have been quietly parsed. She’s shown a handbag designed for her demographic cluster—and a speculative “future bag” generated from global sentiment. Augmented reality mirrors shift its hue based on fashion chatter.

Across town, a man steps into Hermès on Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré. No AI overlay. No predictive styling. He waits while a human advisor retrieves three options from the back room. Scarcity is preserved. Opacity enforced. Beauty demands patience, loyalty, and reverence.

Responsive elegance personalizes. Timeless restraint universalizes. One anticipates. The other withholds.

Ethical Horizons: Data, Desire, and Dignity

As AI saturates luxury, the ethical stakes grow sharper:

Privacy or Surveillance? Luxury thrives on intimacy, but when biometric and behavioral data feed design, where is the line between service and intrusion? A handbag tailored to your mood may delight—but what if that mood was inferred from stress markers you didn’t consent to share?

Cultural Reverence or Algorithmic Appropriation? Algorithms trained on global aesthetics may inadvertently exploit indigenous or marginalized designs without context or consent. This risk echoes past critiques of fast fashion—but now at algorithmic speed, and with the veneer of personalization.

Crafted Scarcity or Generative Excess? Hermès’ commitment to craft-based scarcity stands in contrast to AI’s generative abundance. What happens to luxury when it becomes infinitely reproducible? Does the aura of exclusivity dissolve when beauty is just another output stream?

Philosopher Byung-Chul Han, in The Transparency Society (2012), warns:

“When everything is transparent, nothing is erotic.”

Han’s critique of transparency culture reminds us that the erotic—the mysterious, the withheld—is eroded by algorithmic exposure. In luxury, opacity is not inefficiency—it is seduction. The challenge for fashion is to preserve mystery in an age that demands metrics.

Fashion’s New Frontier


Fashion has always been a mirror of its time. In the age of artificial intelligence, that mirror becomes a sensor—reading cultural mood, forecasting desire, and generating beauty optimized for relevance. Generative design and predictive styling are not just innovations; they are provocations. They reconfigure creativity, decentralize authorship, and introduce a new aesthetic logic.

Yet as fashion becomes increasingly responsive, it risks losing its capacity for rupture—for the unexpected, the irrational, the sublime. When beauty is calibrated to what is already emerging, it may cease to surprise. The algorithm designs for resonance, not resistance. It reflects desire, but does it provoke it?

The contrast between LVMH and Hermès reveals two futures. One immersive, scalable, and optimized; the other opaque, ritualistic, and elusive. These are not just business strategies—they are aesthetic philosophies. They ask us to choose between relevance and reverence, between immediacy and depth.

As AI evolves, fashion must ask deeper questions. Can responsive elegance coexist with emotional gravity? Can algorithmic chic retain the aura of the original? Will future designers be curators of machine imagination—or custodians of human mystery?

Perhaps the most urgent question is not what AI can do, but what it should be allowed to shape. Should it design garments that reflect our moods, or challenge them? Should it optimize beauty for engagement, or preserve it as a site of contemplation? In a world increasingly governed by prediction, the most radical gesture may be to remain unpredictable.

The future of fashion may lie in hybrid forms—where machine cognition enhances human intuition, and where data-driven relevance coexists with poetic restraint. Designers may become philosophers of form, guiding algorithms not toward efficiency, but toward meaning.

In this new frontier, fashion is no longer just what we wear. It is how we think, how we feel, how we respond to a world in flux. And in that response—whether crafted by hand or generated by code—beauty must remain not only timely, but timeless. Not only visible, but visceral. Not only predicted, but profoundly imagined.

THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED UTILIZING AI

THE NEW YORKER MAGAZINE – AUGUST 25, 2025 PREVIEW

A child draws on a man's tattooed arm.

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THE COURAGE TO QUESTION: HOW AN EMPIRE WAS BUILT

By Michael Cummins, Editor, August 16, 2025

The memory of the Islamic Golden Age evokes powerful images: Baghdad’s legendary House of Wisdom, a beacon of scholarship for the world’s greatest minds; the astronomical observatories of Samarkand, mapping the heavens with unprecedented precision; the grand libraries of Córdoba, containing more books than all of Europe combined. For roughly five centuries, from the 8th to the 13th, the Islamic world was the undisputed global epicenter of science, philosophy, and culture. Its innovations gifted humanity algebra and algorithms, advanced surgical techniques, and the classical Greek philosophy that would later fuel the European Renaissance.

This flourishing was no accident. It was the direct result of a powerful, synergistic formula: the fusion of a voracious, institutionalized curiosity with strategic state patronage and a climate of relative tolerance. Yet, its eventual decline offers an equally crucial lesson—that such a vibrant ecosystem is fragile. Its vitality is contingent on maintaining an open spirit of inquiry, the closing of which precedes stagnation and decay. The story of the Islamic Golden Age, told through its twin centers of Baghdad and Córdoba, is therefore both an inspiring blueprint for civilizational greatness and a timeless cautionary tale of how easily it can be lost.

The Engine: A Genius for Synthesis

The foundation of the Golden Age was its genius for synthesis. It was an institutionalized curiosity that understood new knowledge is forged by actively seeking out, challenging, and combining the wisdom of others. As the scholar Dimitri Gutas argues in his seminal work, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, this was not a random burst of energy but a deliberate, state-sponsored project driven by the “social and political imperatives of a new empire.” The Abbasid Caliphs, having established their capital in Baghdad in 762, sat at the crossroads of the Persian, Byzantine, and Indian worlds. Rather than view the intellectual traditions of these conquered or rival lands as a threat, they saw them as an invaluable resource for building a universalist imperial ideology.

This conviction gave rise to the Translation Movement, a massive, state-funded effort to translate the great works of science, medicine, and philosophy into Arabic. The nerve center of this project was Baghdad’s House of Wisdom (Bayt al-Hikmah). Far more than a library, it was a dynamic academy, a translation bureau, and a research institute where scholars from across the known world collaborated.

Their goal was never mere preservation. As the historian George Saliba demonstrates, they were active innovators who critically engaged with, corrected, and vastly expanded upon ancient texts. Ptolemy’s astronomical model in the Almagest was not just translated; it was rigorously tested in new observatories, its mathematical errors identified, and its cosmological assumptions challenged by thinkers like Ibn al-Haytham (Alhazen), whose work on optics overturned centuries of classical theory.

He did not simply import knowledge; he synthesized it into something new.

This process created a powerful intellectual alchemy. In mathematics, Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi, a Persian scholar at the House of Wisdom, encountered the revolutionary numeral system from India, which included the concept of zero. He fused this with the geometric principles of the Greeks to create a new discipline he outlined in his landmark book, The Compendious Book on Calculation by Completion and Balancing. From the title’s key term, al-jabr (‘completion’ or ‘restoring’), the world received algebra—a tool for abstract problem-solving that would transform the world.

This same engine of synthesis, fueled by a competitive spirit, was humming thousands of miles away in Al-Andalus. In its capital, Córdoba, the physician Al-Zahrawi (Abulcasis), often called the father of modern surgery, compiled the Al-Tasrif, a thirty-volume medical encyclopedia. It was a monumental synthesis of classical medical knowledge with his own pioneering innovations, introducing the use of catgut for internal stitches and designing dozens of new surgical instruments that would define European medical practice for centuries. In philosophy, the Córdoban thinker Ibn Rushd (Averroes) produced radical commentaries on Aristotle that were so influential he became known simply as “The Commentator” in medieval Europe. He sought to demonstrate that reason and revelation were not in conflict but were two paths to the same truth, a bold intellectual project that would profoundly reshape Western scholasticism.

The Fuel: Strategic Investment in Knowledge

This intellectual engine was deliberately and lavishly fueled by rulers who saw investment in knowledge as a cornerstone of state power, prestige, and practical advantage. The immense wealth of the Abbasid Caliphate, derived from its control of global trade routes, made this grand-scale patronage possible. This power was materialized in Baghdad itself, Caliph al-Mansur’s perfectly circular “City of Peace,” an architectural marvel with the caliph’s palace and the grand mosque at its absolute center, symbolizing his position as the axis of the world. Later Abbasid palaces were sprawling complexes of exquisite gardens, cool marble halls, and courtyards filled with intricate fountains and exotic animals—dazzling stages for courtly life where poets, musicians, and scholars vied for the caliph’s favor.

It was within these opulent settings that legendary patrons like Harun al-Rashid and his son, al-Ma’mun, held court. Al-Ma’mun, a rationalist thinker himself, is said to have been inspired by a dream in which he conversed with Aristotle. He poured vast resources into the House of Wisdom, funding expeditions to Byzantium to acquire rare manuscripts and reportedly paying translators their weight in gold.

This model of state-sponsored knowledge was pursued with competitive fervor in Al-Andalus. In Córdoba, the Umayyad Caliph Abd al-Rahman III sought to build a capital that would eclipse all rivals. A few miles outside the city, he constructed a fabled palace-city, Madinat al-Zahra (“the shining city”). It was a breathtaking statement of power, built in terraces on a mountainside with thousands of imported marble columns. Its audience chambers were adorned with ivory and ebony, and at the center of the most magnificent hall lay a basin filled with shimmering quicksilver, which, when agitated, would flood the room with dazzling reflections of light.

This was a “war of culture” in which libraries were arsenals and palaces were declarations of supremacy. It was in this environment that Al-Hakam II, Abd al-Rahman’s son, amassed his legendary library of over 400,000 volumes, a beacon of knowledge designed to outshine Baghdad itself. This rivalry between distant capitals created a powerful ecosystem for genius, establishing a lasting infrastructure for discovery that attracted the best minds from every corner of the globe.

The Superpower: Pragmatic and Inclusive Tolerance

The era’s intellectual and financial investments were supercharged by a climate of relative tolerance. This was not a modern, egalitarian pluralism, but a practical and strategic inclusion that prevented intellectual monocultures and proved to be a civilizational superpower. As María Rosa Menocal writes in The Ornament of the World, this was a culture capable of a “first-rate pluralism,” where contradictions were not just tolerated but were often the source of creative energy.

The work of the Golden Age was a multi-faith and multi-ethnic endeavor. In Baghdad, the chief translator at the House of Wisdom and the most important medical scholar of his time, Hunayn ibn Ishaq, was a Nestorian Christian. A master of four languages—Syriac, Arabic, Greek, and Persian—he established a rigorous methodology, collecting multiple manuscript versions of a text to ensure the most accurate translation. For generations, Christian physicians from the Bakhtishu’ family served as personal doctors to the Abbasid caliphs.

This principle was just as potent in the West. In Córdoba, the court of Abd al-Rahman III thrived on the talents of figures like Hasdai ibn Shaprut, a Jewish physician and scholar who rose to become the caliph’s most trusted diplomat and vizier. He not only managed foreign policy but also used his position to patronize Hebrew poets and grammarians, fostering a golden age of Jewish culture that flourished in the heart of Islamic Spain. This was made possible by the dhimmi (protected peoples) system, which, while hierarchical, guaranteed non-Muslims the right to practice their faith and participate in intellectual life. In the realms of science and philosophy, merit and skill were often the ultimate currency. This diversity was the Golden Age’s secret weapon.

The Cautionary Tale: The Closing of the Mind

The Golden Age did not end simply with the hoofbeats of Mongol horses in 1258. Its decline was a prolonged grinding down of the audacious spirit of open inquiry. The Mongol sack of Baghdad was a devastating blow, but it struck a body already weakened by an internal intellectual malaise.

This cultural shift is often symbolized by the brilliant 11th-century theologian, Abu Hamid al-Ghazali. His influential critique of Hellenistic philosophy, The Incoherence of the Philosophers, was not an attack on reason itself—he was a master of it, who championed Aristotelian logic as a necessary tool for theology. Rather, it was a powerful argument against what he saw as the metaphysical overreach of philosophers on matters that he believed could only be known through divine revelation. His work, however, was a symptom of a decisive cultural turn. The intellectual energy of the elite, and the patronage that supported it, began to be re-channeled—away from speculative, open-ended philosophy (falsafa) and towards the preservation and systematization of established religious doctrine.

The central questions shifted from “What can we discover?” to “How do we defend what we know?”

This was compounded by political fragmentation. As the central authority of the Abbasid Caliphate waned, insecure local rulers, like the Seljuk Turks, increasingly sought legitimacy by patronizing conservative religious scholars. Funding flowed toward madrasas focused on theology and law rather than independent scientific academies. When a culture begins to fear certain questions, it loses its ability to generate new answers. The great North African historian Ibn Khaldun, writing in the 14th century from the ruins of this intellectual world, diagnosed the decline with stunning clarity in his Muqaddimah. He observed that when civilizations become too comfortable and focused on preserving past glories, they lose the “group solidarity” and intellectual dynamism that made them great. This growing intellectual rigidity created a civilizational brittleness, leaving it vulnerable to catastrophic external shocks.

Conclusion: A Timeless Blueprint

The legacy of the Islamic Golden Age is a double-edged one. Its rise in both the East and West provides a clear blueprint for greatness, built on relentless curiosity, wise patronage, and pragmatic inclusion. This formula demonstrates that progress is a product of openness and investment. Its decline, however, is a stark warning. The erosion of that most crucial pillar—the open, questioning mind—preceded the civilization’s fall.

The essential lesson of this epic is that culture precedes power. The wealth, military strength, and political influence of the caliphates were not the cause of the Golden Age; they were the result of a culture confident enough to be curious, strong enough to tolerate dissent, and wise enough to invest in knowledge. The engine of its greatness was not the treasury, but the House of Wisdom and the Library of Córdoba. Consequently, its decline was not merely a political or military failure, but the late-stage symptom of an intellectual culture that had begun to value orthodoxy over inquiry. When the questions stopped, the innovations stopped, and the foundations of power crumbled from within.

This narrative is not a historical artifact. It is a timeless blueprint, revealing that the most critical infrastructure any society can build is not made of stone or steel, but of the institutions and values that protect and promote the open pursuit of knowledge. In our modern world, the House of Wisdom finds its echo in publicly funded research universities, in international scientific collaborations, and in the legal frameworks that protect free speech and intellectual inquiry. The patronage of al-Ma’mun is mirrored in the grants that fund basic research—the kind of open-ended exploration that may not have an immediate commercial application but is the seedbed of future revolutions. The tolerance of Córdoba is the argument for diversity in our labs, our boardrooms, and our governments, recognizing that a multiplicity of perspectives is not a liability to be managed, but a strategic asset that fuels innovation.

The open secret of the Golden Age is therefore not a secret at all, but a choice. It is the choice to believe that greatness is born from the courage to question, to synthesize, and to explore. It is the choice to see knowledge not as a finite territory to be defended, but as an infinite ocean to be discovered. The moment a society decides it already has all the answers—the moment it values certainty over curiosity—is the moment its decline becomes inevitable.

THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED UTILIZING AI