Tag Archives: China

THE GUARDIAN WEEKLY – SEPTEMBER 19, 2025 PREVIEW

THE GUARDIAN WEEKLY: The latest issue features ‘Divided States’ – Will Charlie Kirk’s Death Change America?

The killing of Charlie Kirk last week sent shock waves through America among both supporters and opponents of his views. Yet until last week, the young rightwing activist was relatively unheard of – by older generations anyway – outside the US.

As the ripples and implications of his death continue to spread across the US and beyond, our big story takes a step back. Washington bureau chief David Smith explains how the young activist rose to prominence and gained a place within Donald Trump’s inner circle, his provocative brand of populism and charisma playing an outsize role in the Republicans’ 2024 election victory. As Steve Bannon, the prominent rightwing commentator, told the Guardian, Kirk’s popularity with young voters “changed the ground game” for Trump and the Maga movement.

Spotlight | Why has England become festooned with flags?
Chief reporter Daniel Boffey visits a Birmingham suburb to track down the genesis of a movement that wants to see the union jacks or the flag of St George displayed across the country

Special investigation | Boris Johnson’s pursuit of profit
A cache of leaked documents show a blurring of lines in the former prime minister’s private business ventures and political role after leaving office, our investigations team reveals

Feature | The porn business stripped bare
In Amsterdam, at Europe’s biggest pornography conference, Amelia Gentleman discovers the perils of a booming industry, from burnout to the advent of AI

Opinion | Trump is just a paper tiger
While the US president likes to present himself as the biggest, baddest strongman, he crumples in the face of Benjamin Netanyahu or Vladimir Putin’s belligerence, says Simon Tisdall

Culture | The power of pure pop
Famous for getting us through lockdowns with her kitchen disco and a stream of catchy hits, Sophie Ellis-Bextor tells Rebecca Nicholson about why the perimenopause is a gift to renewed creativity

THE GUARDIAN WEEKLY – SEPTEMBER 12, 2025 PREVIEW

THE GUARDIAN WEEKLY: The latest issue features ‘The Axis of Upheaval…and what it means for the West’

Xi Jinping had been waiting for the right moment to serve notice of China’s growing might and influence to the rest of the world, and the 80th anniversary of the end of the second world war provided the Mao-suited Chinese leader with the perfect opportunity.

Last week’s bombastic (or should that be bomb-tastic?) military parade in Beijing – in the presence of Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong-un and a host of other global strongmen – was intended as a show of force and stability to contrast sharply with the chaotic unpredictability of Donald Trump’s America. And, as the leaders of the world’s most notorious pariah states bear-hugged and strolled around Tiananmen Square like the cast of Reservoir Dogs, the optics did not disappoint.

But behind the scenes, how robust actually is the so-called “axis of upheaval”? As our big story this week explores, the illiberal alliance is riven by internal fractures and mistrust between China, Russia and North Korea that date back many years and cannot be discarded as quickly as Xi, or anyone else, might like.

Spotlight | France’s latest political crisis
The fall this week of prime minister François Bayrou exposed a political malaise that is likely to sour French politics well beyond the 2027 presidential election, reports Paris correspondent Angelique Chrisafis

Interview | Leonard Barden, chairman of the chess board
From honing his game in air raid shelters during the second world war to beating grand masters, our record-breaking chess columnist has lived an extraordinary life. Now aged 96, he chats to our chief sports reporter Sean Ingle

Feature | Syria’s cycle of sectarian violence
Over a few brutal days in March, as sectarian violence and revenge killings tore through parts of the country, two friends from different communities tried to find a way to survive. By Ghaith Abdul-Ahad

Opinion | Angela Rayner’s exit is a bombshell for Keir Starmer
The UK deputy prime minister’s fall will exacerbate all the doubts about the PM himself and his ability to keep Labour in power, writes Jonathan Freedland

Culture | Spinal Tap turn it up to 11, one last time
More than 40 years since the film This Is Spinal Tap was mistaken for a comedy, its hard-rocking subjects are back for a legally obligated final gig. Our writer Michael Hann smells the glove

FOREIGN POLICY MAGAZINE – FALL 2025 PREVIEW

The cover of the fall 2025 print issue of Foreign Policy magazine, showing a tattered flag with a globe on it on a stick.

FOREIGN POLICY MAGAZINE: The latest issue features ‘The End Of Development’

The End of Development

The West’s aid model was always a mirage. It’s time for a realistic alternative. By Adam Tooze

How Big Finance Ate Foreign Aid

Investors have drained the global south in pursuit of aggressive profit maximization. Daniela Gabor

The Development Economist Who Wasn’t

Once dismissed from the field he helped found, Albert O. Hirschman feels newly relevant. Daniel W. Drezner

The Problem With the Global South’s Self-Help Push

Poorer countries have become more integrated but not necessarily more united. David C. Engerman

From Perks to Power: The Rise Of The “Hard Tech Era”

By Michael Cummins, Editor, August 4, 2025

Silicon Valley’s golden age once shimmered with the optimism of code and charisma. Engineers built photo-sharing apps and social platforms from dorm rooms that ballooned into glass towers adorned with kombucha taps, nap pods, and unlimited sushi. “Web 2.0” promised more than software—it promised a more connected and collaborative world, powered by open-source idealism and the promise of user-generated magic. For a decade, the region stood as a monument to American exceptionalism, where utopian ideals were monetized at unprecedented speed and scale. The culture was defined by lavish perks, a “rest and vest” mentality, and a political monoculture that leaned heavily on globalist, liberal ideals.

That vision, however intoxicating, has faded. As The New York Times observed in the August 2025 feature “Silicon Valley Is in Its ‘Hard Tech’ Era,” that moment now feels “mostly ancient history.” A cultural and industrial shift has begun—not toward the next app, but toward the very architecture of intelligence itself. Artificial intelligence, advanced compute infrastructure, and geopolitical urgency have ushered in a new era—more austere, centralized, and fraught. This transition from consumer-facing “soft tech” to foundational “hard tech” is more than a technological evolution; it is a profound realignment that is reshaping everything: the internal ethos of the Valley, the spatial logic of its urban core, its relationship to government and regulation, and the ethical scaffolding of the technologies it’s racing to deploy.

The Death of “Rest and Vest” and the Rise of Productivity Monoculture

During the Web 2.0 boom, Silicon Valley resembled a benevolent technocracy of perks and placation. Engineers were famously “paid to do nothing,” as the Times noted, while they waited out their stock options at places like Google and Facebook. Dry cleaning was free, kombucha flowed, and nap pods offered refuge between all-hands meetings and design sprints.

“The low-hanging-fruit era of tech… it just feels over.”
—Sheel Mohnot, venture capitalist

The abundance was made possible by a decade of rock-bottom interest rates, which gave startups like Zume half a billion dollars to revolutionize pizza automation—and investors barely blinked. The entire ecosystem was built on the premise of endless growth and limitless capital, fostering a culture of comfort and a lack of urgency.

But this culture of comfort has collapsed. The mass layoffs of 2022 by companies like Meta and Twitter signaled a stark end to the “rest and vest” dream for many. Venture capital now demands rigor, not whimsy. Soft consumer apps have yielded to infrastructure-scale AI systems that require deep expertise and immense compute. The “easy money” of the 2010s has dried up, replaced by a new focus on tangible, hard-to-build value. This is no longer a game of simply creating a new app; it is a brutal, high-stakes race to build the foundational infrastructure of a new global order.

The human cost of this transformation is real. A Medium analysis describes the rise of the “Silicon Valley Productivity Trap”—a mentality in which engineers are constantly reminded that their worth is linked to output. Optimization is no longer a tool; it’s a creed. “You’re only valuable when producing,” the article warns. The hidden cost is burnout and a loss of spontaneity, as employees internalize the dangerous message that their value is purely transactional. Twenty-percent time, once lauded at Google as a creative sanctuary, has disappeared into performance dashboards and velocity metrics. This mindset, driven by the “growth at all costs” metrics of venture capital, preaches that “faster is better, more is success, and optimization is salvation.”

Yet for an elite few, this shift has brought unprecedented wealth. Freethink coined the term “superstar engineer era,” likening top AI talent to professional athletes. These individuals, fluent in neural architectures and transformer theory, now bounce between OpenAI, Google DeepMind, Microsoft, and Anthropic in deals worth hundreds of millions. The tech founder as cultural icon is no longer the apex. Instead, deep learning specialists—some with no public profiles—command the highest salaries and strategic power. This new model means that founding a startup is no longer the only path to generational wealth. For the majority of the workforce, however, the culture is no longer one of comfort but of intense pressure and a more ruthless meritocracy, where charisma and pitch decks no longer suffice. The new hierarchy is built on demonstrable skill in math, machine learning, and systems engineering.

One AI engineer put it plainly in Wired: “We’re not building a better way to share pictures of our lunch—we’re building the future. And that feels different.” The technical challenges are orders of magnitude more complex, requiring deep expertise and sustained focus. This has, in turn, created a new form of meritocracy, one that is less about networking and more about profound intellectual contributions. The industry has become less forgiving of superficiality and more focused on raw, demonstrable skill.

Hard Tech and the Economics of Concentration

Hard tech is expensive. Building large language models, custom silicon, and global inference infrastructure costs billions—not millions. The barrier to entry is no longer market opportunity; it’s access to GPU clusters and proprietary data lakes. This stark economic reality has shifted the power dynamic away from small, scrappy startups and towards well-capitalized behemoths like Google, Microsoft, and OpenAI. The training of a single cutting-edge large language model can cost over $100 million in compute and data, an astronomical sum that few startups can afford. This has led to an unprecedented level of centralization in an industry that once prided itself on decentralization and open innovation.

The “garage startup”—once sacred—has become largely symbolic. In its place is the “studio model,” where select clusters of elite talent form inside well-capitalized corporations. OpenAI, Google, Meta, and Amazon now function as innovation fortresses: aggregating talent, compute, and contracts behind closed doors. The dream of a 22-year-old founder building the next Facebook in a dorm room has been replaced by a more realistic, and perhaps more sober, vision of seasoned researchers and engineers collaborating within well-funded, corporate-backed labs.

This consolidation is understandable, but it is also a rupture. Silicon Valley once prided itself on decentralization and permissionless innovation. Anyone with an idea could code a revolution. Today, many promising ideas languish without hardware access or platform integration. This concentration of resources and talent creates a new kind of monopoly, where a small number of entities control the foundational technology that will power the future. In a recent MIT Technology Review article, “The AI Super-Giants Are Coming,” experts warn that this consolidation could stifle the kind of independent, experimental research that led to many of the breakthroughs of the past.

And so the question emerges: has hard tech made ambition less democratic? The democratic promise of the internet, where anyone with a good idea could build a platform, is giving way to a new reality where only the well-funded and well-connected can participate in the AI race. This concentration of power raises serious questions about competition, censorship, and the future of open innovation, challenging the very ethos of the industry.

From Libertarianism to Strategic Governance

For decades, Silicon Valley’s politics were guided by an anti-regulatory ethos. “Move fast and break things” wasn’t just a slogan—it was moral certainty. The belief that governments stifled innovation was nearly universal. The long-standing political monoculture leaned heavily on globalist, liberal ideals, viewing national borders and military spending as relics of a bygone era.

“Industries that were once politically incorrect among techies—like defense and weapons development—have become a chic category for investment.”
—Mike Isaac, The New York Times

But AI, with its capacity to displace jobs, concentrate power, and transcend human cognition, has disrupted that certainty. Today, there is a growing recognition that government involvement may be necessary. The emergent “Liberaltarian” position—pro-social liberalism with strategic deregulation—has become the new consensus. A July 2025 forum at The Center for a New American Security titled “Regulating for Advantage” laid out the new philosophy: effective governance, far from being a brake, may be the very lever that ensures American leadership in AI. This is a direct response to the ethical and existential dilemmas posed by advanced AI, problems that Web 2.0 never had to contend with.

Hard tech entrepreneurs are increasingly policy literate. They testify before Congress, help draft legislation, and actively shape the narrative around AI. They see political engagement not as a distraction, but as an imperative to secure a strategic advantage. This stands in stark contrast to Web 2.0 founders who often treated politics as a messy side issue, best avoided. The conversation has moved from a utopian faith in technology to a more sober, strategic discussion about national and corporate interests.

At the legislative level, the shift is evident. The “Protection Against Foreign Adversarial Artificial Intelligence Act of 2025” treats AI platforms as strategic assets akin to nuclear infrastructure. National security budgets have begun to flow into R&D labs once funded solely by venture capital. This has made formerly “politically incorrect” industries like defense and weapons development not only acceptable, but “chic.” Within the conservative movement, factions have split. The “Tech Right” embraces innovation as patriotic duty—critical for countering China and securing digital sovereignty. The “Populist Right,” by contrast, expresses deep unease about surveillance, labor automation, and the elite concentration of power. This internal conflict is a fascinating new force in the national political dialogue.

As Alexandr Wang of Scale AI noted, “This isn’t just about building companies—it’s about who gets to build the future of intelligence.” And increasingly, governments are claiming a seat at that table.

Urban Revival and the Geography of Innovation

Hard tech has reshaped not only corporate culture but geography. During the pandemic, many predicted a death spiral for San Francisco—rising crime, empty offices, and tech workers fleeing to Miami or Austin. They were wrong.

“For something so up in the cloud, A.I. is a very in-person industry.”
—Jasmine Sun, culture writer

The return of hard tech has fueled an urban revival. San Francisco is once again the epicenter of innovation—not for delivery apps, but for artificial general intelligence. Hayes Valley has become “Cerebral Valley,” while the corridor from the Mission District to Potrero Hill is dubbed “The Arena,” where founders clash for supremacy in co-working spaces and hacker houses. A recent report from Mindspace notes that while big tech companies like Meta and Google have scaled back their office footprints, a new wave of AI companies have filled the void. OpenAI and other AI firms have leased over 1.7 million square feet of office space in San Francisco, signaling a strong recovery in a commercial real estate market that was once on the brink.

This in-person resurgence reflects the nature of the work. AI development is unpredictable, serendipitous, and cognitively demanding. The intense, competitive nature of AI development requires constant communication and impromptu collaboration that is difficult to replicate over video calls. Furthermore, the specialized nature of the work has created a tight-knit community of researchers and engineers who want to be physically close to their peers. This has led to the emergence of “hacker houses” and co-working spaces in San Francisco that serve as both living quarters and laboratories, blurring the lines between work and life. The city, with its dense urban fabric and diverse cultural offerings, has become a more attractive environment for this new generation of engineers than the sprawling, suburban campuses of the South Bay.

Yet the city’s realities complicate the narrative. San Francisco faces housing crises, homelessness, and civic discontent. The July 2025 San Francisco Chronicle op-ed, “The AI Boom is Back, But is the City Ready?” asks whether this new gold rush will integrate with local concerns or exacerbate inequality. AI firms, embedded in the city’s social fabric, are no longer insulated by suburban campuses. They share sidewalks, subways, and policy debates with the communities they affect. This proximity may prove either transformative or turbulent—but it cannot be ignored. This urban revival is not just a story of economic recovery, but a complex narrative about the collision of high-stakes technology with the messy realities of city life.

The Ethical Frontier: Innovation’s Moral Reckoning

The stakes of hard tech are not confined to competition or capital. They are existential. AI now performs tasks once reserved for humans—writing, diagnosing, strategizing, creating. And as its capacities grow, so too do the social risks.

“The true test of our technology won’t be in how fast we can innovate, but in how well we can govern it for the benefit of all.”
—Dr. Anjali Sharma, AI ethicist

Job displacement is a top concern. A Brookings Institution study projects that up to 20% of existing roles could be automated within ten years—including not just factory work, but professional services like accounting, journalism, and even law. The transition to “hard tech” is therefore not just an internal corporate story, but a looming crisis for the global workforce. This potential for mass job displacement introduces a host of difficult questions that the “soft tech” era never had to face.

Bias is another hazard. The Algorithmic Justice League highlights how facial recognition algorithms have consistently underperformed for people of color—leading to wrongful arrests and discriminatory outcomes. These are not abstract failures—they’re systems acting unjustly at scale, with real-world consequences. The shift to “hard tech” means that Silicon Valley’s decisions are no longer just affecting consumer habits; they are shaping the very institutions of our society. The industry is being forced to reckon with its power and responsibility in a way it never has before, leading to the rise of new roles like “AI Ethicist” and the formation of internal ethics boards.

Privacy and autonomy are eroding. Large-scale model training often involves scraping public data without consent. AI-generated content is used to personalize content, track behavior, and profile users—often with limited transparency or consent. As AI systems become not just tools but intermediaries between individuals and institutions, they carry immense responsibility and risk.

The problem isn’t merely technical. It’s philosophical. What assumptions are embedded in the systems we scale? Whose values shape the models we train? And how can we ensure that the architects of intelligence reflect the pluralism of the societies they aim to serve? This is the frontier where hard tech meets hard ethics. And the answers will define not just what AI can do—but what it should do.

Conclusion: The Future Is Being Coded

The shift from soft tech to hard tech is a great reordering—not just of Silicon Valley’s business model, but of its purpose. The dorm-room entrepreneur has given way to the policy-engaged research scientist. The social feed has yielded to the transformer model. What was once an ecosystem of playful disruption has become a network of high-stakes institutions shaping labor, governance, and even war.

“The race for artificial intelligence is a race for the future of civilization. The only question is whether the winner will be a democracy or a police state.”
—General Marcus Vance, Director, National AI Council

The defining challenge of the hard tech era is not how much we can innovate—but how wisely we can choose the paths of innovation. Whether AI amplifies inequality or enables equity; whether it consolidates power or redistributes insight; whether it entrenches surveillance or elevates human flourishing—these choices are not inevitable. They are decisions to be made, now. The most profound legacy of this era will be determined by how Silicon Valley and the world at large navigate its complex ethical landscape.

As engineers, policymakers, ethicists, and citizens confront these questions, one truth becomes clear: Silicon Valley is no longer just building apps. It is building the scaffolding of modern civilization. And the story of that civilization—its structure, spirit, and soul—is still being written.

*THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED UTILIZING AI

The Fiscal Fantasies Of A “For-Profit” Government

BY INTELLICUREAN, JULY 21, 2025:

In the summer of 2025, former President Donald Trump and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick unveiled a bold proposal: the creation of an External Revenue Service (ERS), a federal agency designed to collect tariffs, fees, and other payments from foreign entities. Framed as a patriotic pivot toward self-sufficiency, the ERS would transform the U.S. government from a tax-funded service provider into a revenue-generating enterprise, capable of offsetting domestic tax burdens through external extraction. The idea, while politically magnetic, raises profound questions: Can the U.S. federal government become a “for-profit” entity? And if so, can the ERS be a legitimate mechanism for such a transformation?

This essay argues that while the concept of external revenue generation is not unprecedented, the rebranding of the U.S. government as a profit-seeking enterprise risks undermining its foundational principles. The ERS proposal conflates revenue with legitimacy, and profit with power, leading to a fundamental misunderstanding of the government’s role in society. We explore the constitutional, economic, and geopolitical dimensions of the ERS proposal, drawing on recent analyses from the Peterson Institute for International Economics, The Diplomat, and The New Yorker, to assess its fiscal viability, strategic risks, and national security implications.

Constitutional Foundations: Can a Republic Seek Profit?

The U.S. Constitution grants Congress the power to “lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises” and to “regulate Commerce with foreign Nations” (Article I, Section 8). These provisions clearly authorize the federal government to generate revenue through tariffs and fees. Historically, tariffs served as a primary source of federal income, funding everything from infrastructure to military expansion during the 19th century.

However, the Constitution does not envision the government as a profit-maximizing entity. Its purpose, as articulated in the Preamble, is to “establish Justice, ensure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, [and] promote the general Welfare.” These are public goods, not commercial outputs. The government’s legitimacy is grounded in its service to the people—not in its ability to generate surplus revenue.

The Federal Reserve offers a useful analogy here. While not a for-profit institution, the Fed earns more than it spends through its monetary operations—primarily interest on government securities—and remits excess income to the Treasury. Between 2011 and 2021, these remittances totaled over $920 billion. But this is not “profit” in the corporate sense. The Fed’s primary mandate is macroeconomic stability, not shareholder returns. Even during economic stress (as seen in 2022–2025), the Fed may run negative remittances, underscoring its non-commercial orientation.

In contrast, the ERS is framed as a profit center—an entity designed to extract wealth from foreign actors to reduce domestic tax burdens. This shift raises critical questions: Who are the “customers” of the ERS? What are the “products” it offers? And what happens when profit motives collide with diplomatic or humanitarian priorities?

Economic Modeling: Revenue vs. Net Gain

A rigorous analysis of Trump’s proposed tariffs comes from Chad P. Bown and Melina Kolb at the Peterson Institute for International Economics. In their April 2025 briefing, they use a global economic model to estimate the gross and net revenue generated by tariffs of 10%, 15%, and 20% on all imported goods.

Their findings are sobering:

  • A 15% universal tariff could generate $3.9 trillion in gross revenue over a decade (2025–2034), assuming no foreign retaliation.
  • However, after accounting for slower growth, reduced investment, and lower tax receipts from households and businesses, the net gain drops to $3.2 trillion.
  • If foreign countries retaliate with reciprocal tariffs, the net gain falls further to $1.5 trillion.
  • A 20% tariff results in the lowest net gain ($791 billion), due to intensified economic drag and retaliation.

These findings underscore a crucial distinction: tariffs are not free money. They impose costs on consumers, disrupt supply chains, and invite countermeasures. The ERS may collect billions, but its net contribution to fiscal health is far more modest—and potentially negative if retaliation escalates.

Additionally, tariff revenue is volatile and politically contingent. Tariffs can be reversed by executive order, invalidated by courts, or rendered moot by trade realignment. In short, the ERS lacks the predictability and stability necessary for a legitimate fiscal foundation. Tariffs are a risky and politically charged mechanism for revenue generation—making them an unreliable cornerstone for the country’s fiscal health.

Strategic Blowback: Reverse Friendshoring and Supply Chain Drift

Beyond economics, the ERS proposal carries significant geopolitical risks. In The Diplomat, Thiago de Aragao warns of a phenomenon he calls reverse friendshoring—where companies, instead of relocating supply chains away from China, move closer to it in response to U.S. tariffs.

The logic is simple: If exporting to the U.S. becomes prohibitively expensive, firms may pivot to serving Asian markets, leveraging China’s mature infrastructure and consumer base. This could undermine the strategic goal of decoupling from Chinese influence, potentially strengthening Beijing’s economic hand.

Examples abound:

  • A firm that invested in Mexico to reduce exposure to China redirected its exports to Latin America after Mexico was hit with new tariffs.
  • Another company shifted operations to Canada to avoid compounded U.S. duties—only to face new levies there as well.

This unpredictability erodes trust in U.S. trade policy and incentivizes supply chain diversification away from the U.S. As Aragao notes, “Protectionism may offer a temporary illusion of control, but in the long run, it risks pushing businesses away.”

The ERS, by monetizing tariffs, could accelerate this trend. If foreign firms perceive the U.S. as a hostile or unstable market, they will seek alternatives. And if allies are treated as adversaries, the strategic architecture of friendshoring collapses, leaving the U.S. economically isolated and diplomatically weakened.

National Security Costs: Alienating Allies

Perhaps the most damning critique of the ERS comes from Cullen Hendrix at the Peterson Institute, who argues that imposing tariffs on U.S. allies undermines national security. The U.S. alliance network spans over 60 countries, accounting for 38% of global GDP. These partnerships enhance deterrence, enable forward basing, and create markets for U.S. defense exports.

Tariffs—especially those framed as revenue tools—erode alliance cohesion. They signal that economic extraction trumps strategic cooperation. Hendrix warns that “treating alliance partners like trade adversaries will further increase intra-alliance frictions, weaken collective deterrence, and invite potential adversaries—none better positioned than China—to exploit these divisions.”

Moreover, the ERS’s indiscriminate approach—levying duties on both allies and rivals—blurs the line between economic policy and coercive diplomacy. It transforms trade into a zero-sum game, where even friends are fair targets. This undermines the credibility of U.S. commitments and may prompt allies to seek alternative trade and security arrangements.

Lutnick’s Barber Economics: Rhetoric vs. Reality

The ERS proposal is not merely a policy—it’s a performance. Nowhere is this clearer than in Howard Lutnick’s keynote at the Hill and Valley Forum, as reported in The New Yorker on July 21, 2025. Addressing a room of venture capitalists, defense contractors, and policymakers, Lutnick attempted to explain trade deficits using personal analogies: “I have a trade deficit with my barber,” he said. “I have a trade deficit with my grocery store. Right? I just buy stuff from them. That’s ridiculous.”

The crowd, described as “sophisticated tech and finance attendees,” was visibly uncomfortable. Lutnick’s analogies, while populist in tone, misread the room and revealed a deeper disconnect between economic complexity and simplistic transactionalism. As one attendee noted, “It’s obvious why Lutnick’s affect appeals to Trump. But it’s Bessent’s presence in the Administration that reassures us there is someone smart looking out for us.”

This contrast between Lutnick and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent is telling. Bessent, who reportedly flew to Mar-a-Lago to urge Trump to pause the tariffs, represents the limits of ideological fervor when confronted with institutional complexity. Lutnick, by contrast, champions the ERS as a populist vessel—a way to turn deficits into dues, relationships into revenue, and governance into a business plan.

The ERS, then, is not just a fiscal experiment—it’s a philosophical battleground. Lutnick’s vision of government as a money-making enterprise may resonate with populist frustration, but it risks trivializing the structural and diplomatic intricacies of global trade. His “barber economics” may play well on cable news, but it falters under scrutiny from economists, allies, and institutional stewards.

Conclusion: Profit Is Not Purpose

The idea of a “for-profit” U.S. government, embodied in the External Revenue Service, is seductive in its simplicity. It promises fiscal relief without domestic taxation, strategic leverage through economic pressure, and a reassertion of American dominance in global trade. But beneath the surface lies a tangle of contradictions.

Constitutionally, the federal government is designed to serve—not to sell. Its legitimacy flows from the consent of the governed, not the extraction of foreign wealth. Economically, tariffs may generate gross revenue, but their net contribution is constrained by retaliation, inflation, and supply chain disruption. Strategically, the ERS risks alienating allies, incentivizing reverse friendshoring, and weakening collective security.

With Howard Lutnick as the plan’s leading voice—offering anecdotes like the barber and grocery store as proxies for international trade—the ERS becomes more than a revenue mechanism; it becomes a prism for reflecting the Administration’s governing style: transactional, simplified, and rhetorically appealing, yet divorced from systemic nuance. His “barber economics” may evoke applause from certain circles, but in the forums that shape long-term policy, it has landed with discomfort and disbelief.

The comparison between Lutnick and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, as reported in The New Yorker, captures this divide. Bessent, attempting to temper Trump’s protectionist instincts, represents the limits of ideological fervor when confronted with institutional complexity. Lutnick, by contrast, champions the ERS as a populist vessel—a way to turn deficits into dues, relationships into revenue, and governance into a business plan.

Yet governance is not a business, and the nation’s global responsibilities cannot be monetized like a corporate balance sheet. If America begins to treat its allies as clients, its rivals as profit centers, and its global footprint as a monetizable asset, it risks transforming foreign policy into a ledger—and leadership into a transaction.

The External Revenue Service, in its current form, fails to reconcile profit with purpose. It monetizes strength but neglects stewardship. It harvests dollars but undermines trust. And in doing so, it invites a broader reckoning—not just about trade and taxation, but about what kind of republic America wishes to be. For now, the ERS remains an emblem of ambition unmoored from architecture, where the dream of profit collides with the duty to govern.

THIS ESSAY WAS WRITTEN AND EDITED BY INTELLICUREAN USING AI

The Guardian Weekly – April 11, 2025 Preview

THE GUARDIAN WEEKLY (April 10, 2025): The latest issue features ‘Crash Course – Trump’s Tariff War on the World; Reach for the stars – Are reviews changing our brains?,,,


Trump’s crash course: inside the 11 April edition

The US president’s tariff war on the world. Plus: The unsellable art of Jeremy Deller


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Graham SnowdonWed 9 Apr 2025 13.00 EDTShare

Donald Trump’s “liberation day” US tariffs on imported goods from a long list of international territories – including some inhabited only by penguins – sparked market turmoil and fears of a global recession.

As the chaos continued into this week, the question loomed of how the world, from China to Europe, would respond. An increasingly dark-looking spiral with China of tariff threats and counter-threats this week led Beijing to vow to “fight to the end”, while vice-president JD Vance again showed his lack of class by referring to “Chinese peasants” in an interview.

Spotlight | Families’ shock at IDF’s killing of paramedics in Gaza
Relatives who waited an agonising week before the bodies were found speak of the passion that drove Red Crescent workers. Malak A TanteshJulian Borger and Bethan McKernan report

Science | Is ratings culture changing our brains?
We live under mutual surveillance, asked to leave public ratings for every purchase, meal, taxi ride or hair appointment. What is it doing to us, asks Chloë Hamilton

Feature | The huge, unsellable public art of Jeremy Deller
Jeremy Deller can’t really draw or paint. Instead of making things, he makes things happen. Charlotte Higgins spends time with one of Britain’s best-known but unlikely artists

Opinion | Donald Trump won’t stop me visiting the US – a country I love
For John Harris, the United States means music, progress, hope. Whatever their president does, he argues, plenty of Americans continue to believe in those too

Culture | How Tracy Chapman captured a moment and inspired a generation
Zadie Smith was 12 years old when she saw Tracy Chapman captivate a massive crowd at 1988’s Free Nelson Mandela concert. Her astonishing debut album has mesmerised the novelist ever since

Foreign Affairs Essays: ‘China’s Trump Strategy’

FOREIGN AFFAIRS MAGAZINE (February 6, 2025): In the months since Donald Trump won the U.S. presidential election in November, policymakers in Beijing have been looking to the next four years of U.S.-Chinese relations with trepidation. Beijing has been expecting the Trump administration to pursue tough policies toward China, potentially escalating the two countries’ trade war, tech war, and confrontation over Taiwan. The prevailing wisdom is that China must prepare for storms ahead in its dealings with the United States. 

Trump’s imposition of ten percent tariffs on all Chinese goods this week seemed to justify those worries. China retaliated swiftly, announcing its own tariffs on certain U.S. goods, as well as restrictions on exports of critical minerals and an antimonopoly investigation into the U.S.-based company Google. But even though Beijing has such tools at its disposal, its ability to outmaneuver Washington in a tit-for-tat exchange is limited by the United States’ relative power and large trade deficit with China. Chinese policymakers, aware of the problem, have been planning more than trade war tactics. Since Trump’s first term, they have been adapting their approach to the United States, and they have spent the past three months further developing their strategy to anticipate, counter, and minimize the damage of Trump’s volatile policymaking. As a result of that planning, a broad effort to shore up China’s domestic economy and foreign relations has been quietly underway.

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The New Statesman Magazine – Jan 11, 2025

THE NEW STATESMAN (Janaury 9, 2025): The latest issue features ‘The Great Power Gap’ – Why the decline of China, Russia and the U.S. will unleash a new age of anarchy…

The edge of anarchy

Donald Trump’s second term will hasten American decline, at a time when Russia and China are also in crisis. By Robert D Kaplan

The year ahead: Russia is on course to win the war in Ukraine

How did we get here? By Wolfgang Münchau

The year ahead: Will the Musk-Trump bromance endure?

Now the common enemy, the Democratic Party, has been vanquished, their interests may diverge.By Katie Stallard

Saturday Morning: News And Stories From London

Monocle on Saturday (December 21, 2024): Join Georgina Godwin and Charles Hecker reflect on the week’s top news stories and cultural highlights.

Plus: an engaging conversation with Ferdia Lennon, the winner of the prestigious Bollinger Everyman Wodehouse Comic Fiction Prize.

The New York Times — Sunday, December 15, 2024

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Syria Shudders as Assad’s Prison Atrocities Come Into the Light

At the country’s most notorious prison, Syrians confront their worst fears: that they will never know what happened to the loved ones who disappeared.

South Korea’s President Is Impeached After Martial Law Crisis

Some members of President Yoon Suk Yeol’s own party helped remove him from office. But the political uncertainty is far from over.

What Ever Happened to the Lady Jaguars?

When we met them a dozen years ago, they were teenagers in trouble, playing for a basketball team that always lost. Did they find a way to win at life?

Gas Could Mean Billions for Indigenous People in Canada. Some Fear a Cost.

New export terminals along the rugged Pacific coastline have reignited a generations-old debate over identity and environmental stewardship.